Beyond theory - the practice of building socialism in Latin America

toni solo and Jorge Capelán, May 7th 2013
Tortilla con Sal.

"Correction and apology: In an earlier version of this article we incorrectly asserted that James Petras co-signed a letter in 2008 with Noam Chomsky and other leading intellectuals which, in the article, we criticize. This is not the case. We apologize to James Petras for this mistake on our part. We request anyone who has re-posted this article to add this text  to the top of wherever they posted our article."

For the imperial propaganda machine, leftist Latin American governments and political leaders are either too leftist, not really leftist, or blind fanatics, as well as being shrewdly machiavellian, capitalists in red clothing, enemies of the market and scores of other contradictory pairs of things all at once.

This is so because the purpose of propaganda is to render unusable the intellectual capacity of the target population to understand reality.  By promoting mistrust, anxiety and confusion among those sections of the public in the imperialist countries that might oppose the designs of their rulers, the war planners seek to neutralize any effective solidarity efforts.

Sadly, most European and North American progressive and radical movements and intellectuals have problems coming to terms with this, no matter what their experience, reputation or insights into what the Empire routinely does to humanity.

Without direct involvement in them, virtually none of those intellectuals can offer a true and fair view of Latin America's various revolutionary processes. They may offer plausible theories and schemas, but the nitty gritty of achieving power and effecting radical change will always elude them. Examples of this fact abound.

Depending entirely on academics like Noam Chomsky, or James Petras, for example, for a grasp of events in Latin America is a mistake. Those writers theoretical preconceptions tend to fall apart when applied to specific realities. One need not follow the anti-Stalinism of the historian E.P.Thompson into its ultimate social-democrat cul-de-sac to acknowledge the central argument of “The Poverty of Theory” against idealist theory.

The article "Pink Tide in Latin America: An Alliance Between Local Capital and Socialism" by Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya published on May 3 by Global Research is an example of this sad truth. In the final paragraphs of his article, a series of reflections on the future developments in the region after Chavez' death, the author writes:

"It can be argued that the political current in Latin America is mostly a question of financial and economic independence, rather than a socialist project challenging the capitalist world-system."

Without developing further this thesis, Nazemroaya's piece actually is an exercise in inconsequential and superficial dissection of the progressive/radical governments in the region, with the purpose of questioning the anti-capitalist character of the process of integration taking part in Latin America. Since Nazemroaya's analysis spreads many biases and mistaken views that are functional to the imperial propaganda efforts against those governments, we will deal with it in this article, but first let us address the core thesis the author put forward in his piece without thoroughly grounding it.

Indeed, there is a (conflictive) synergy between (some) Capitalist and anti-capitalist interests behind the movement for Latin American unity and independence. There is a huge amount of money in the hands of the Latin American oligarchies which, under the right circumstances, might be interested in investing in the regional market rather than, say, in the Swiss banking system or in regional tax havens. The emergence of China as a major lender and investor in the region, the stagnation of the US and European economies and the massive development projects carried out thanks to the initiative of governments which Nazemroaya designates under the derogatory term "Pink Tide", explain some of the central drives behind this process. But does this mean that what is going on in Latin America today is not the emergence of "a socialist project challenging the capitalist world-system"?

Whoever doesn't see the anti-capitalist value of ending the hegemony of Western imperialism once and for all and of building a multi-polar world order should start writing science-fiction novels instead of feigning engagement in actual anti-capitalist struggle. It's really puzzling that an editor of Global Research has problems grasping this point. However, there is much more to the anti-capitalist ambitions of the Latin American integrationist efforts than the multi-polar dimension alone.

In Latin America, it is impossible to engage in the construction of socialist and anti-capitalist alternatives without at the same time struggling to integrate the region politically, economically and even culturally. "I desire to see America fashioned into the greatest nation in the world, greatest not so much by virtue of her area and wealth as by her freedom and glory" (1). That is the legacy of Bolivar, as was the legacy of Martí, of Sandino, Mariátegui, Gaitán, Che, Fidel Castro and many other Latin American revolutionaries since Independence. This is so because the colonial and imperial powers needed to split the region up into small countries in order to exploit its resources and labor. This is not something Chavez made up, it is an old insight down here.

At the core of the Latin American process of independent integration is the Bolivarian Alliance, ALBA, which comprises 8 full members with a total population of 70 or 80 million (some 15% of the region's population) plus an ever-growing list of countries participating as guest members and observers.

ALBA's economic relationships are not based on profit but on solidarity and complementarity among its members. Nor is it an alliance of convenience, but a project aimed at consolidating a higher political unit beyond Capitalism. It is not based on Venezuelan charity either, but on the use of common resources as a lever enabling its member countries to leave Capitalism behind.

Through ALBA and schemes such as PETROCARIBE (18 member countries), the Venezuelan oil imports are re-invested by the non oil-producing countries in social and economic programs financed by almost interest-free long-term loans. Thus, agricultural countries such as Nicaragua widen their list of trade partners, but most importantly, they develop and diversify their economies becoming less dependent on the export of agricultural products.

Exchanges at all levels between Venezuela, Cuba and the rest of the ALBA member countries aim at sharing experiences on all fields. For example, Nicaraguan rural workers travel to Venezuela to share their experiences of cooperative organization in order to help Venezuela increase its food production. Cuban personnel from many different fields, specially health care and education, play a very important role in many social programs, but they also share their experience and know-how while at the same time gathering many experiences from their colleagues in the other member countries. ALBA members have started using their own  national currencies instead of the US dollar to trade with each other through a financial arrangement called SUCRE, the Unified System of Regional Compensation. This scheme helps protect the ALBA's economies from the financial collapse of Capitalism.

From the examples above, it is foolish to deny the anticapitalist dynamics of ALBA. Even more foolish would be to deny ALBA's influence on the rest of Latin America.

ALBA was founded in 2004 after an agreement between Venezuela and Cuba. The following year, in 2005, the US plan to build a "free trade" zone in the Americas, the FTAA, was buried at the Summit of The Americas in Mar del Plata, Argentina, when most Latin American governments refused to hail Bush's offer of "open up your customs or else..." Without the joint leadership of Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales, Lula da Silva and late Argentinean president Néstor Kirchner, this strategic defeat of imperialism in Latin America would not have been possible.

With the establishment, on February 23rd, 2010, of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, CELAC, the 33 countries in the region, for the first time in history, created an organization outside the control of the United States and Canada. Without the role played by Cuba, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia and Nicaragua, CELAC's profile would not be as integral as it is today. Actually, Venezuela's contribution was crucial, not only because of the strategic dimension of the Bolivarian revolution, but also because of its intelligent handling of the most reactionary sectors of the Colombian oligarchy represented by Alvaro Uribe.

It is quite clear that some Capitalist interests see important opportunities in all these developments, but they are not politically organized. The Latin American right is dominated by highly aggressive, reactionary pro-imperialist political parties, right-wing networks and corporate media. On a daily bases, these groups conspire and carry out disinformation campaigns against almost all governments in Latin America and the Caribbean, especially those with progressive and radical inclinations.

In his article, Nazemroaya questions these government's leftist and anti-capitalist credentials. Although he warns against "oversimplification and romanticization", and although he tries to define what he understands as "left", Nazemroaya confuses the concepts and decontextualizes the facts, ending up with a list of more or less flattering aspects which he then uses to build up a negative portrait of the developments in Latin America.

Let us start with the concepts. Correctly, Nazemroaya defines "left" and "right" as political positions within a given context, but he then almost immediately abandons all interest in understanding the multiplicity of the contexts that compose the reality of the region to focus on the fact that there is "a Plethora of 'Lefts' in Latin America", an "eclectic bunch" as the author's derogatory style defines them.

Nazemroaya goes even further and states that "Latin American left-wing governments do not strictly operate to the 'left'": So, according to his actual view, there is a "real left" (a context-independent Left he feels he is entitled to define as such) and some kind of "fake left" (another context-independent left he thinks is entitled to denounce as false). As "proof" of his assertion, the author refers to an alleged "debate over whether the Cuban socialist project is genuinely reforming or if it will eventually follow the paths of capitalist restoration like China and Vietnam".

A debate where? In some cafe in Toronto? That is not a serious argument, for two reasons. Firstly, the existence of debates about the future course of a revolution are no proof of the actual orientation of that revolution. Secondly, Nazemroaya passes as received truths his opinions on socialism in China and Vietnam without feeling it necessary to go into any further details.

Actually, as true as the fact that there are many "lefts" in Latin America, is the fact that there is a vast experience of collective discussions among those "lefts". An example of this is the Forum of Sao Paulo, which since 1990 has gathered more than 90 political organizations from almost all countries, including Puerto Rico. Most  countries are represented by several political parties, and in cases such as Argentina and Uruguay, by 12 or 13 organizations. For over 20 years, those organizations, ranging from the Chilean Socialist Party to the Cuban Communist Party, from various Peronist parties in Argentina to Peruvian nationalists, just to mention a few examples, have been able to carry out many debates and achieve consensus around key issues such as the struggle to end the US genocidal blockade of Cuba, the support to the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela and ALBA as well as the project of continental integration.

The huge continental wave of solidarity with the Bolivarian revolution after Hugo Chavez death, especially in face of the fascist violence unleashed by Capriles Radonski's thugs, is another case in point in relation to the capacity of this variegated array of "leftist" movements to very quickly set aside their differences for a common cause. Without the existence of similar mechanisms and processes, it would have been impossible, in recent months, to mobilize a movement capable of denouncing the Cuban CIA agent Yoani Sanches World Tour. In capital after capital where the CIA blogger attempted to smear Cuba, se was received by large groups of activists that on several occasions managed to force her to desist from her activities.

Another case in point, The existence of the Network of Intellectuals in Defence of Humanity, composed of hundreds, if not thousands, of intellectuals from all over the world and from a broad ideological spectrum, routinely organizing campaigns in defence of Cuba, Venezuela and ALBA, as well as against  imperialist putschist moves in countries such as Honduras, Ecuador or Paraguay. Without denying the differences between various political movements, it is necessary to stress that there exists an ever-growing common understanding of the problems and challenges ahead.

Nazemroaya warns against easy generalizations but goes on to make sweeping generalizations such as the following:

"Latin America’s comprador elites are the local representatives of the foreign corporations, governments, and interests that have exploited Latin America for centuries. These comprador elites can frankly be described as either the 'House Negros' or racist upper class that have historically ruled Latin America and managed its wealth and resources for the changing centres of power in other parts of the world that have controlled the area. Today, the regional comprador elites are mostly aligned with the United States and prefer Miami or New York City to Caracas or Quito".

One first commentary about this description is obvious: If the Latin American "comprador elites are mostly aligned with the US and prefer Miami or New York to Caracas or Quito", how can they actually be a driving force behind a process of regional integration that is not to the liking of the US, NATO and Europe? Are they really a driving force behind this process as Nazemroaya implies?

This is the kind of sweeping, oversimplifying generalization that makes it impossible to understand the contexts and the particular traits of the various countries in the region. This in turn explains why there are so many "lefts" which, incidentally, show a startling capacity to cooperate with each other and to reach a common consensus around key issues. Also, such oversimplifying generalizations make it impossible to understand the complexities of the international relations among the region's countries, for example, in the case of the relations between Colombia and Venezuela and the Peace Process taking place between FARC-EP and Santos.

The 33 nations that compose Latin America and the Caribbean show a common situation of dependence on imperialism, but they also show startling differences. Countries like Chile, Argentina or Uruguay have very strong European cultural influence, while other countries, such as Bolivia or Guatemala have big indigenous majorities. Some oligarchies are richer than others, some of them have had more freedom than others to carry out policies of import substitution.

Some countries, such as Honduras and Paraguay, have been ruthlessly subjected to a state of utmost political underdevelopment for decades by repressive dictatorships, while others, such as Ecuador or Uruguay, have enjoyed relatively long periods of successful reformism. Although Latin America is the world's most unequal region, not all countries and societies are equally poor and not all of them are equally underdeveloped. Different forms of dependent economic insertion in the World Market, different political cultures, different social realities explain the differences among the political subjects.

Are "Latin America’s comprador elites ... the local representatives of the foreign corporations, governments, and interests that have exploited Latin America for centuries" as Nazemroaya puts it? They are many other things besides that. They are mediators between the Western multinational interests and the local markets, but in many cases, they are players on their own right as well. Think about the example of Mexican Carlos Slim, the world's richest man. Think about the financial Colombian capitalists represented by Santos or even sectors of the Brazilian oligarchy. They fear Socialism and most progressive politics, but they also fear the prospects of a sociopolitical meltdown that would make their profits vanish into thin air. In many cases, they have to reluctantly accept many of the progressives' and radicals' policies, even if their newspapers routinely pour bile on those governments.

Lacking a better political reference frame, Nazemroaya lays hand on James Petras' typology on the Latin American left - one the weakest intellectual products of the US-American sociologist. With this typology, an otherwise sharp analyst such as Petras cannot resist the Western temptation of handing out small stars of revolutionary approval to movements he fancies more than others, irrespective of the concrete circumstances of their struggles. Incapable of understanding many of the true challenges of social transformation in the real world and the actual limits of political power, Petras projects his romanticized revolutionary ideals on various movements and subjects. When those movements in real life do not behave according to Petras' wishes, they are either ditched or condescendingly tapped on the back with some scornful comment on having "sold out". Apparently unable to understand the value of nation-building for the materialization of any sort of socialist project, he rejects movements such as Peronismo, irrespective of how stubbornly the working-class masses support them.

Petras' schematic division between “radical left”, “pragmatic left”, “pragmatic neo-liberals” and “doctrinaire neo-liberal regimes” is seriously flawed when confronted with reality. If FARC were in the same situation as PSUV in Venezuela, it would certainly act along much the same lines. In fact, it supports the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela and shares its inspirational force, namely, the heritage of Simon Bolivar.

In Brazil, the Landless Workers' Movement gives critical support to the Worker's Party (PT). While it rightly criticizes the agribusiness-oriented development strategy of Lula's and Dilma Roussef's party, the Landless Workers' Movement also understands the various constraints the PT government faces being dependent on alliances with other political forces, in an inmense country where the oligarchy retains considerable power at all levels. They are also well aware of what it would mean were the neo-liberal right to return to political power in Brazil.

In Argentina, to call Cristina Fernández a "pragmatic neo-liberal" is an outright insult, not to mention an irresponsible lack of solidarity with a progressive government subject every day to the most vicious destabilizing campaigns from the oligarchy. No neo-liberal regime increases minimum wages, raises pensions, improves education or fights poverty. Nor does any neo-liberal regime say "Good-bye" to IMF the way Argentina has done.

The same goes for Mauricio Funes' government in El Salvador, where the FMLN is on its way to win the coming elections with a candidate of its own. Incapable of identifying processes and accumulation of forces, dogmatic analysts such as Petras/Nazemroaya see only traitors, sell-outs and capitalists everywhere. The superficiality of Petras' analysis becomes sheer bad faith when it comes to certain countries he simply doesn't mention such as Nicaragua, where cooperatives account for about 40% of the country's GDP and about 70% of the work force.

Back in mid-2008, a group of leading left-wing Western intellectuals, most prominently Noam Chomsky, wrote a letter supporting a hunger strike held by ex-FSLN leader Dora Maria Tellez in Nicaragua. Tellez was protesting the elimination of her MRS political alliance from the municipal elections in November of that year for having failed to comply with the electoral law. So Noam Chomsky and the other well-respected intellectuals concerned demonstrated the loyalty and solidarity of their intellectual-managerial class and spoke out on her behalf.

In fact, as it transpired, the MRS immediately entered into an electoral alliance with the Nicaragua's corrupt extreme right-wing PLC party. They campaigned in particular in support of reactionary banker, Eduardo Montealegre who to this day uses his parliamentary immunity to avoid indictment for multi-million dollar banking fraud. Clearly, the MRS suckered Noam Chomsky and his fellow intellectuals into misguidedly supporting her 2008 charade, because those intellectuals had no idea of the political realities in Nicaragua. Anyone who doubts MRS' allegiance to the US Embassy in Managua, should read some of the diplomatic cables recently released by WikiLeaks on the subject.

That particular case only highlights the pitfalls of depending on the neat schemas of the managerial class who dominate intellectual production in North America and Europe. So when Nazemroaya cites James Petras as his theoretical reference point in his recent  article on Latin America, one needs to apply extreme scepticism to his arguments so as to try and discern the reality. Among the typical omissions of James Petras and his colleagues, Nicaragua understandably looms large by its absence.

They see that a given country still is in the grip of IMF loans, but they are incapable of seeing that the country is becoming less dependent on such loans. They see that a given country is depending on agro-exports, but they don't see how that country is diversifying its economy and becoming less dependent on those exports. They see capitalists and State-Capitalism and cry "Neoliberalism! Extractivism!" without even proposing a workable alternative that might to develop a country's productive forces. Or else when they actually see those alternatives being implemented by those governments, they shout "It is not enough!".

To revolutions applies an old Latin American saying: "It is easy to look at the lady from afar, but quite a different story to go ahead and talk to her".

A superficial and disrespectful treatment of developments in Latin America poses two sets of problems. The first one is that it makes practical solidarity more difficult, especially now, when Washington is engaging in a fascist continental crusade against Latin America. The second set of problems has to do with the crucial importance of the Latin American experience for any new projects beyond Capitalism anywhere else in the world.

VENEZUELA: Will the Syrian scenario materialize? (AUDIO)

Tortilla con Sal.

Jorge Capelán interviews journalist Felipe Stuart, who's been following the recent events in Venezuela: Why was the electoral race between revolution and counter-revolution so close? What is going on now? Will the Empire succeed in converting Venezuela into a new Syria?

Click to listen

A week of important victories in Venezuela and Colombia

Tortilla con Sal.

Jorge Capelán interviews journalist Felipe Stuart, who's been following the electoral campaign in Venezuela minute by minute. Stuart also comments on this week's mass rally in support of the Peace Talks Talks between FARC and the Colombian Government.

Click to listen

VENEZUELA: A decisive week for the world

Jorge Capelán interviews journalist Felipe Stuart, who's been following
the electoral campaign minute by minute. Click to listen.

Audio commentary - Comandante Hugo Chávez

Tortilla con Sal.

toni solo and Jorge Capelán on the death of Hugo Chávez.



Click to listen

The new shark lawyer putschism in Latin America

Listening to much of the Latin American right-wing opposition these days is somewhat of an interesting exercise in what in Swedish is called "rättshaveri" - a sort of litigious dogmatism whereby an individual or a small group pursues a legal cause that already has been judged beyond any reasonable limit thus affecting the legal system itself which must dedicate an ever increasing amount of resources in order to deal with never ending and meaningless appeals. The term is not a neutral one of course, but imagine the Latin American situation, with veritable hoards of upper-class shark lawyers deploying every tool in their quasi-legal arsenal in order to "prove" that a popular leader is a tyrant, a putsch is a legitimate protest or a drug lord, a law-abiding entrepreneur. Imagine those shysters getting all the air time on private TV shows and all the front pages on the private newspapers. Imagine those thugs getting all the money and attention from NATO powers and their media (as well as the "support" of their aircraft carriers). Such are today's so-called "soft coups". Fortunately, that method doesn't bite anymore on a well-known group of countries in the region.

NICARAGUA : Audio commentary up to December 20th

Tortilla con Sal.

Venezuela's regional elections and recent social and economic information on Nicaragua, toni solo in conversation with Jorge Capelán.

Click to listen

Ett historiskt val i Venezuela

Av Jorge Capelán.

Ugången av söndagens val i Venezuela bjöd inte på några överraskningar - åtminstone i vad avser de politiska styrkeförhållandena i landet. En solid majoritet av befolkningen stödjer landets socialistiska projekt medan en stark minoritet av venezulanerna är beredd att rösta för högern.

Chavez seger över högerkandidaten Henrique Capriles Radonski med 55.11% mot 44.39% stämmer på pricken med vad det prestigfyllda och Chavezvänliga Gis XXI-institutet förutspådde i slutet av förra veckan. I månader har Gis XXI under ledningen av samhällsvetaren Jesse Chacon publicerat utförliga opinionsundersökningar som tog den politiska temperaturen på Venezuela i takt med att valkampanjen fortskred.

Att drygt 44.39% av venezuelanerna röstade på Capriles Radonski betyder inte att alla dem är höger. Under kampanjen gjorde Capriles allt för att dölja sina rötter bland Venezuelas unknaste höger och sin överklassbakgrund. Han talade inte om nyliberalismen och i slutskedet till och med försäkrade att han minnsan inte skulle få Venezuela att lämna ALBA vid en eventuell seger.

Faktum är att samtliga kandidater i presidentvalet försökte placera sig någonstans från mitten till vänster om det politiska spektrumet. Som samhällsvetaren Jesse Chacon constaterade dagarna före valet, Venezuelanernas medvetande har genomgått en rad djupgående förändringar sedan 1998: Idag är det mycket svårt, för att inte säga omöjligt, att vinna ett val på ett uttalat högerpolitik.

Överraskningen med söndagens val blev nederlaget för de delar av oppositionen, som Milton Friedman prisvinnaren Yon Goicoechea, som två veckor före valet skrev en krönika med utmaningen att ta till våld vid en eventuell seger för Chavez den 7 oktober. Capriles Radonski tog det mycket kloka beslutet att distansera sig från dessa sektorer för att inte äventyra det ansenliga politiska kapital på 44% han redan har vunnit. Nu har Capriles en framtid som ledare för oppositionen och den historiska chansen att bidra till att landets interna politiska debatt blir mindre influerad av agendan för USA:s mest extrema delar.

Till de absolut största förlorarna efter gårdagens val hör extremhhögerns profiler som den ovan nämnda Yon Goicoechea, Colombias före detta president Alvaro Uribe, Miamimaffians politiker som Ileana Ross-Lehtinen och så vidare.

Bland den 44% som röstade på Capriles finns säkert många som inte alls gillar socialismen och allt vad vänsterpolitik heter, men de allra flesta vill inte heller ställa upp på en våldsam agenda. Faktum är att Chavez politik har medfört en mycket tryggare tillvaro för medleklassen medan Statens beställningar har gjort liknande saker för en del av kapitalisterna. De sektorer som direkt hotas av den Bolivarianska Revolutionen är de som lever på kapitalutflykt, penningtvätt, spekulation och annan ekonomisk verksamhet som är direkt skadlig för landet. Utöver dessa sektorer finns andra, knutna till utlandsfinansierade NGO:er och politiska organisationer vars levebröd är beroende av att gå i USA:s och EU:s ärenden.

Idag kan man läsa i västerländska medier skribenter ge Chavez det tvivelaktiga rådet att nu när Capriles Radonski har fått 44% av rösterna, han borde följa den förlorande kandidatens politik.

Det är svårt att dölja opportunismen i ett sådant resonemang. Det är Chavez som har vunnit valet och han måste därmed följa den politik han blev vald på. Dessutom har Capriles Radonski haft mycket svårt att förklara sitt eget program för venezuelanera av den enkla anledningen att om han hade berättat vad han egentligen skulle göra om han fick makten under valkampanjen så skulle många säkert inte ha röstat på honom.

Men det faktum att 44% av venezuelanerna har en annan åsikt än PSUV:s program kräver att det bedrivs ett stort arbete med syftet att diskutera regeringens förslag med så många samhällsektorer som möjligt och att konsensus byggs kring så många frågor som möjligt - detta har Chavez alltid förespråkat.

Det påstås ofta att Chavez utgör en faktor av polarisering i Venezuela, som om landet var en idyll av samförstånd före 1998. Detta är uppenbart falskt och döljer det faktum att regeringarna före Chavez gick så långt som att beordra militären att skjuta på civilbefolkningen och döda tusentals medborgare. I dåtidens Venezuela "fanns ingen medlare, det fanns inget medlande ledarskap, det fanns ingen stat som agerade som medlare i konflikterna, medlaren var polisen" förklarade Chavez i en intervju på torsdag kväll, minuterna innan valkampanjen officiellt slutade.

Vad söndagens val i Venezuela visar är att Staten faktiskt har utvecklat en förmåga att medla i samhällets konflikter. Landet idag har världens bästa valsystem och dess resultat respekteras av en klar majoritet av medborgarna oavsett hur många brandtal som hålls före valet. En stor majoritet av venezuelanerna vill att konflikterna skall lösas på fredlig och laglig väg - till synes en framgång för den samhällsmodell som Chavez ledarskap har byggt upp.

Chavez and Radonski - listen and learn

By Jorge Capelan, Albared.org

Comparisons are odious, everybody knows that. However, it´s necessary to make some odious comparisons from time to time so that people who are not in touch with the everyday reality of our ALBA countries understand the scope of the manipulation of Western media.

On June 10th this year, Venezuela's president Hugo Chavez and opposition right-wing politician Henrique Capriles Radonski registered their candidacies to the October 7th elections. Radonski's speech was 27 minutes long. Chavez' lasted for almost three hours. In his speech, Radonski uttered 1317 words. Obviously, Chavez used many more words in his speech.

What follows is a quick statistical comparison of what both candidates were capable of saying in 1317 words.

While it took Radonski 27 minutes to utter 1317 words, Chavez only used 19 minutes to do so. 8 minutes of Radonski's speech consisted of pauses. There is no record as to how much of Chavez' speaker time consisted of pauses, but suffice to say that during those 19 minutes, the president-candidate sang about four songs with the crowd and made several dramatic pauses.

When it comes to vocabulary, Radonski used in his speech a total of 355 unique words whereas Chavez used 503 – 41.6% more words than the opposition's candidate. It is clear that the president-candidate is more verbose than his right-wing contender - to say the least.

There is a quite clear gender bias between the candidates: Chavez used the word “la” (feminine “the”) 82 times, whereas Radonski used it only 28 times. Radonski used the word “el” (masculine “the”) 43 times, whereas Chavez used it 41 times. Radonski's speech shows no occurrences of feminine pronouns such as “ella”, “ellas” or “aquellas” (“she”, “them”-feminine, “those”-feminine).

Radonski used the word “Venezuela” 38 times, whereas Chavez only used it twice. However, Chavez used the word “patria” (“fatherland”) 37 times (it was indeed one of the main themes of his address, he said “la patria, la patria, la patria” several times). Both “Venezuela” and “patria” are feminine in Spanish.

There is also a quite clear class bias between the candidates: Chavez used the word “pueblo” (“people”) 23 times. Radonski used it 15 times. Whereas Chavez made reference to presidency (“president”, “presidential”, “presidency”...) only three times, Radonski did so seven times.

Capriles used his own name 14 times. Chavez only used it twice.

Radonski used his 1317 words to convey the following ideas:

• I want to become the president of all Venezuelans.
• I don't like violence.
• All Venezuelans must unite.
• My life is Venezuela, the people.
• I want to serve the people, not the other way around.
• The present is stagnant, progress belong to the future (“me”).
• I really want to be your president, and I'll also be their (“the reds'”) president.
• With me, there is hope.

Chavez used his 1317 words to convey the following ideas:

• Today, Bolivar is more alive than ever before.
• The fatherland is a woman and he's come back to love her.
• Somebody said I'm the fatherland's candidate – we are all Bolivar's sons and daughters.
• One has to feel the fatherland in the gut – many songs make one feel that.
• The army today is identified with the people – the popular army is Bolivar's army.
• I thank God – the poor people's God – I'm here today.
• Thank God and Fidel I'm here today cured from cancer.
• It's been a hard year, with a hard ideological struggle.
• With joy I shall give my whole life to all of you, specially to the suffering people.
• It is thanks to your decision to reform the Constitution that I can run for re-election today.
• I'm here thanks to you, we are an undefeated people and we will prevail on October 7th.
• Our victory will be Bolivarian, patriotic, socialist and revolutionary.
• We must work very hard, we cannot afford to be triumphalist.
• Unity is the key to victory.
• I invite you all to fight harder, the fight has just begun.

Chavez made many more points that day – his speech lasted six times longer than Radonski's. That day Chavez mobilized about 2 million people. Radonsky says he mobilized 2 million, too. But pictures from helicopters show another reality – 50.000 at most.

Chavez' discourse (video):

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N6STuS1UhQM

Chavez' discourse (text):

http://www.revolucionomuerte.org/index.php/discursos/comandante-hugo-cha...

Capriles Radonski's discourse (video):

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WGStcuGX37s

Capriles Radonski's discourse (text):

http://www.noticias24.com/venezuela/noticia/111839/el-discurso-completo-...

The silences in Capriles Radonski's speech (video – La Hojilla. 12 minutes. Spanish):

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=vc5_WNQB5kw

Analysis of Capriles Radonski's rally and speech (video – La Hojilla. 1,5 hours. Spanish):

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3yz9aR69kus